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MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF SIR JOHN FROISSART Sir John Froissart’s Chronicles of England, France and The Adjoining Countries, form the latter part of the reign of EdwardII to the coronation of Henry IV To Which is Added Some Account of the Manuscript of His Chronicle in the Elizabethian Library at Breslau and A Complete Index. Newly translated from the best French Editions, with Variations and Additions from many celebrated Manuscripts. By Thomas Johnes, Esq At the Hafod Press MDCCCIII British Library Shelfmark HLL942.037 etc Back page of the Index: beautifully printed in Super Royal Folio by Bensley, illustrated with fifteen Views in Aquatinta, engraved and coloured by Stadler, to imitate the original drawings by John Smith (designer of the Views in Italy and Switzerland) ADVERTISEMENT by Thomas Johnes, Hafod, Dec 24, 1803. The reader may perhaps wish to be informed of a few particulars respecting the following work. It would never have been attempted had not Lord Berners’s translation become not only scarce, but the language of it obsolete; besides that the names of persons and places, in that translation, are equally disfigured as in the original: I have endeavoured to correct this last important defect, as far as in my power, but many errors must still remain. With regard to the style, it has been my aim to suit it as much as possible to that of my venerable original, and to render it an exact translation without becoming servilely literal. Whether I have succeeded or not, must now be judged by the public. Several Manuscripts in my own library have been collated with the printed copies, and the same thing has been done with those in the British Museum. A person is now employed at Breslau, in collating the celebrated manuscript there, which has been supposed to be the only one unmutilated. Should it prove so, the additions shall be printed at the end of the work. Many improved readings have been tacitly received, to avoid troubling the public with notes. Some chapters even added, which are not in any of the printed editions. The engravings are traced from the finest illuminations in our own libraries and in that of France. By unforeseen accidents the plates are irregularly given, and they must not be bound up until the whole be completed. When it is considered that this work was printed in a very remote part of the Island, great allowances should be made, and I conclude with the words of Henry Stephans, in his Apology for Herodotus: - “Et toutesfois je ne nie pas qu’ il n’y ait quelques endroits de cette histoire, en la traduction desquels je n’ay pu me satisfaire; et scay bien qu’encore moins satisferay-je a ceux auxquels Dieu a fait la grace d’entendre l’auteur en son language naturel. Mais je me fie en une chose, c’est que ceux qui y seront le mieux versez, et par consequent apprehenderont mieux les difficultez contre lesquelles il a fallu combattre, seront les plus aisez a contenter.” Index listing for Bourbon, duke Louis de pg169 Appointed commander in chief of an expedition against Barbary pg170/171 Illustration – The Expedition of Africa, undertaken by the Duke de Bourbon, as General in Chief, with several other English & French Knights, at the entreaty of the Genoese. VOL IV Chap XXXIV The Duke Of Bourbon Is Appointed Chief Of An Expedition To Africa, That Is Undertaken By Several Knights Of France And England At The Solicitation Of The Genoese. [page 167] I have delayed for a long time speaking of a grand and noble enterprise that was undertaken by some knights of France, England and other countries, against the kingdom of Barbary. I wish not to forget nor defer it; but, as I had begun on the tilts at st. Inglevere, I was desirous to complete that account. Since that is done, I will return to other subjects, and refresh my memory accordingly; for such events as I have to relate are greatly amusing, and, if I had not taken pleasure in inditing them, I should never have succeeded. The text of the subject I mean to proceed on says, that about this time the Genoese were reported throughout France and other countries to be desirous of raising a large army to invade Barbary; and that all knights, squires or men at arms, that would engage in this expedition, should be supplied from Genoa with such purveyances as biscuit, fresh water, vinegar, and vessels and galleys to transport them thither. The cause of their forming this armament was, that the Africans had attacked the country of Genoa, plundering the islands belonging to them, and carrying off such from the coasts of Genoa as were not on their guard, by which they were kept under continual alarms. They possessed also a town, situated on the sea-shore of Barbary, which is beyond measure strong, and called Africa (Africa – a sea-port town of Barbary, seventy miles distant from Tunis. It was razed to the ground by Andrew Doria, by the command of the emperor Charles V., and has never been rebuilt), surrounded with high walls, gates and deep ditches. Like as the strong town of Calais is the key of France and Flanders, and whoever is master of it may at all times enter those countries, and from thence may be sent a powerful force by sea, to do mischief to their neighbours, just so is the town of Africa, the strong hold of the inhabitants of Barbary, Bugia and Tunis, and other infidel countries. The Genoese, who are rich merchants, bore great hatred to this town,; for its corsairs frequently watched them at sea, and when strongest, fell on and plundered their ships, carrying their spoils to this town of Africa, which was, and is now, their place of deposit, and may be called their warren. The Genoese, to put an end to such conduct, and to satisfy the complaints of their subjects, that were daily made to them from the islands of Albe (Elba), Sire (Cyprus), Guerse (Corsica), Bostan (??), Gorgennen (Gorgona), and from the coast as far as the gulph of Lyons to the islands of Sardonne (Sardinia), Finesse (??), and even from the islands of Majorca (belonged to the king of Arragon), determined to make their situation known to the court of France, and to offer to such knights as would undertake an expedition against these infidels, vessels and provision, with a passage there and back free of all costs, provided that one of the king’s uncles, or his brother the duke of Touraine (who, being young, ought to labour to gain renown) would take the chief command. They likewise offered the aid of pilgrims, from foreign parts to assist them, twelve thousand select genoese cross-bows, and eight thousand infantry armed with spears and shields, all at their expense. They imagined, that as now there was a truce between France, England and their allies, their knights wouls, from having nothing to do, be glad to join in this warfare, and they should have numbers of them from those kingdoms. When this intelligence was first brought to the French knights and squires, they were much rejoiced, in hope of gaining honour; and the ambassadors from Genoa were told they should not return without their business being attended to, and succour afforded them, for their anxiety to extend the Christian faith was very praise-worthy. They waited at Paris, while it was under deliberation of the council whom should be appointed commander in chief. The duke of Touraine offered his services to the king and council; but they, as well as the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, remonstrated, that his command was not fit for him. They considered, that as the Genoese insisted on the king’s brother, or one of his uncles, taking the command, the duke of Bourbon would be the most proper person, and that he should have for his second the lord de Coucy. The Genoese ambassadors, having received a favourable answer from the king, and certain assurances of being assisted with knights and men at arms from France, under the command of the duke of Bourbon, in the course of the year, were greatly contented. They took leave of the king, and returned to their own country, to relate the good news, and make preparations accordingly. Reports of an invasion of Barbary were soon spread throughout France: to some knights and squires it was agreeable, to others the contrary: all who were desirous of going thither could not, as it would have been at their own charges, for no lord paid for any but those of his own household. It was also ordered, that no one from France should make part of this expedition but such as had the king’s leave; for the council wished not the realm to be void of defence, and the Genoese were expressly bound not to suffer any servants to embark, but solely such as were gentlemen, and men who could be depended upon. It was, besides, meant as a compliment to the knights and squires of the other nations who might wish to join in the enterprise. This regulation gave pleasure to all foreign knights who heard of it. The duke of Bourbon, having accepted the command, sent his servants to Genoa, were they were to embark, to make the necessary preparations for him and his household. The gallant count d’Auvergne, who was likewise of the expedition, did the same. The lord de Coucy, sir Guy de la Trimouille, sir John de Vienne, and all the great barons and knights of France that had obtained leave to make part of this army, were not behind hand in sending thither purveyances suitable to their state. The lord Philip d’Artois, count d’Eu, sir Philip de Bar, the lord de Harcourt, sir Henry d’Antoing, did so likewise. From Brittany and Normandy many great lords made preparations for this expedition to Barbary, as well as from Hainault: among the last were the lord de Linge (Lord de Linge. MSS. Ligne.) and the lord de Harreth. Several knights came from Flanders; and the duke of Lancaster had a bastard-son, called Henry de Beaufort, whom, through devotion, he sent thither. He had him well accompanied by many knights and squires of rank in England. The count de Foix was unwilling his bastard-son, Evan of Foix, should remain behind, and had him properly attended by knights and squires, as he wished him to keep his state grandly. Every one had taken care to send before hand all he should want; and those at the greatest distance from Genoa, left their countries the middle of May, but it was about a month before all were assembled. The Genoese were well pleased on their arrival, and made handsome and rich presents to the chiefs, the better to secure their affections. As the knights arrived, they were posted adjoining each other, and, on being mustered by the marshals, amounted to fourteen hundred knights and squires. They were embarked on board ships and galleys, that had been properly equipped for the voyage, on Saint John Baptist’s day, in the year of grace 1390. It was a beautiful sight to view this fleet, with the emblazoned banners of the different lords glitering in the sun and fluttering in the wind; and to hear the minstrels and other musicians sounding their pipes, clarions and trumpets, whose sounds were re-echoed back by the sea. When all were embarked, they cast anchor, and remained that night at the mouth of the harbour; but the servants and horses were left behind on shore. A horse worth fifty francs was on their embarkation sold for ten, as many of the knights and squires were uncertain when, or if ever they should return, and the keep of five horses at Genoa was upwards of a franc a day: they therefore, on departing, made of them what money they could, but it was little enough. There were about three hundred galleys to transport the men at arms and archers, and upwards of one hundred vessels for the purveyances and other necessaries. On the morrow, at day-break, they weighed anchor, and rowed coastwise that and the succeeding night. The third day, they made Porto-fino, where they lay that night: at sun-rise, they rowed to Porto-Venere, and again cast anchor. The ensuing morning they weighed and took to the deep, putting themselves under protection of God and St. George. When passed the island of Elba, they had a violent tempest, which drove them back by Gorgona, Sardinia and Corsica, into the gulph of Lyons, that is always dangerous; but they could not avoid it, for the tempest was so violent, the ablest mariner could not do any thing to prevent their running the utmost risk of destruction: they waited therefore the will of God. This storm lasted a day and night, and dispersed the fleet. When the weather became calm and the sea tranquil, the pilots who were acquainted with those seas steered as direct as they could for the island of Commeres (Commeres. This island is called Conimbres and cominieres, in the printed and MS. Editions. I suppose it must mean Comino or Cumin, Cuminum, and formerly Hephestia, a small island in the Mediterranean, between Gozzo and Malta, belonging to the knights of Malta – Baudran.), which is but thirty miles from the town of Africa, whither they bent their course. The masters of the vessels had held a council before they entered the gulph of Lyons, and determined, that should they part company, they would rendezvous at the island of Commeres, and wait there until all assembled. This plan was adopted; and it was upwards of nine days before all were collected, so much had been scattered. The island of Commeres, though not large, is very pleasant. The lords there refreshed themselves, and praised God for having all met again without essential lose or damage. When on the eve of departure, the French lords, who took the lead, held a council on their future proceedings, as they were now so near the port of Africa. We will for a while leave this expedition, and speak of events that happened in France, more particularly in Auvergne. Vol IV Chap XXXIX The Christian Lords Weigh Anchor, And Leave The Island Of Comino, In Order To Lay Siege To The Town Of Africa. The Manner They Conduct Themselves. [page 205] pg211 Lands with his army before the town of Africa, which he besieges. I have dwelt very long on the subject of Aymerigot Marcel, in detailing his actions, that I might illustrate his life and death; for in such a history as this, both good and bad must be spoken of, that they may serve as an excitement or warning in times to come. Had Aymerigot turned his mind to virtue, he would have done much good, for he was an able man at arms and of great courage; but, having acted contrary, he came to a disgraceful death. We will return to the noble enterprise the knights of France and other countries had undertaken against Africa, and continue from where we left off. It was, I believe, at the island of Comino that the knights had assembled, after the great storm in the gulph of Lyon, to wait for those who had separated from the fleet, as that island was but thirty miles from Africa, whither they were bound. They remained there nine days, and, when recovered from their fatigues, they addressed the matters of the galleys as follows: “Gentlemen, we are now on the nearest land to the strong town of Africa, whither, if it please God, we will go, and besiege it. We must therefore consult with you how we may enter the harbour and disembark. We propose to send in advance our smaller vessels, called brigandines, to amuse the enemy, while we remain at the mouth of the harbour: on the following day we will, at our leisure, land, through God’s grace, and encamp ourselves as near the town as possible, out of the reach of their bricolles (Bricolles, - machines to throw stones: a sort of sling. – DuCange.): the genoese cross-bows shall be drawn up, and ready for attack. We suppose that, on our debarkation, a multitude of your younger squires will demand to be knighted, for increase of honour and advancement. Instruct them gently how they ought to act, for you are very capable of doing it; and know, gentlemen, that we are welll inclined to acquit ourselves handsomely towards you; and, to shew our eagerness to annoy the enemy, we shall take every possible pains that this town of Africa will be won. It has done you too great damage to be long endured, and is, beside, the key of the empire of Barbary and the surrounding kingdoms of Africa, Morocco and Bulgia. Should God, of his goodness, permit us to conquer it, all the Saracens will tremble, as far as Nubia and Syria, and we shall be every where talked of. With the assistance of the princes of Christendom, that are nearest to us, we may reinforce it with men, and re-victual it; so that, if once we gain possession, it will become a place for all knights and squires to adventure themselves in arms against the enemies of God, and conquer their lands.” “My lords,” replied the masters of the vessels, “we shall never pretend to teach you how to act, but give our opinions with all modesty and humility; for you are too noble, wise and valiant, for us to pretend to lay down rules for your conduct.” The lord de Coucy said, - “We should, however, wish to have your opinions, for we observed nothing but what is praise-worthy in you; and, as it is you who have brought us hither, to accomplish deeds of arms, we shall never act without having your advice.” Such were the conversations held in the island on Comino, in the presence of the duke of Bourbon, the count d’Eu, and some of the great barons of France, with the captains of the genoese vessels, before they sailed for the coast of Africa. When all was ready, and the men at arms had re-imbarked on board their galleys, with a good will to meet their enemies the Saracens, the admiral gave orders for the trumpets to sound, and the fleet to get under weigh. The sea was now calm, and the weather fine: it was a pleasure to see the rowers force their vessels through its smooth surface, which seemed to deligh in bearing these Christians to the shores of the infidels. Their fleet was numerous and well ordered; and it was a fine sight to view their various banners and pennons, emblazoned with their arms, fluttering with the gentle gales, and glittering in the sun. Late in the evening, the Christians saw the towers of Africa, as pointed out to them by the sailors, which, as they advanced, opened more to their view. Every one was rejoiced at this sight, and not without cause, as they had in part accomplished the object of their voyage. If the Christians, on thus seeing Africa, conversed much concerning the war they were about to commence, the Saracens, who had as plainly observed them from their town, and were on watch, did the same. They were astonished at the great number of vessels, of all descriptions, and concluded they had a very large army on board, to besiege the town. They were not cast down with this, for they knew the place was strong, well fortified with towers, and plentifully stored with artillery and provisions. On their fist noticing the fleet, they sounded, according to custom, a number of bells on the towers, to alarm and inform the country that an enemy was on the coast. There were encamped near the town a large body of barbarians and infidels, whom the kings of Tunis and Bugia had sent thither to defend the coast, and prevent Christians from making any progress into the interior of the country. The noise of the trumpets and drums announced to them the arrival of the Christians; and, in consequence, they formed their army according to their manner, and sent some of the ablest captains to the shore to observe the motions of the enemy, and the manner of their debarkation. They also posted their most expert men at arms on the towers and battlements of the town, that they might not be taken by surprise; for it was strong enough to resist every thing but a long siege, if they were on their guard. As I, John Froissart, the author of these chronicles, was never in Africa, I sought all the information I could from those knights and squires who had been on this expedition, and made several journies to Calais to learn the truth of all that had passed (All within these marks {} is additional matter, omitted by Sauvage and Verard, from MS. No. 4379. Bib. Harl. In the Museum, and from a MS. In the Hafod Library, which is precisely the same.). {Having inquired as to the size and form of the town of Africa, some who had been figured it out to me, and said that it was in the form of a bow, like Calais, extending its arms towards the sea. This town of Africa, at the time the lords of France and other nations were before it with an anxious desire to win it, was wonderfully strong, surrounded with high walls at proper distances: the entrance of the harbour was defended by a tower larger than the rest, on which was placed a bricolle to cast large stones and quarrels, with which it was provided. When the Christians approached the harbour, the walls of the town seemed to be hung with cloths or tapestry, something in appearance to coverlids of beds. They cast anchor about one league distant from the port, where they remained until the morrow. The night was clear and serene, for it was the month of July, about Magdalen-tide; and they made themselves comfortable, rejoicing that, through God’s pleasure, they had so far succeeded as to have the town of Africa now before them. The Saracens, who were on the opposite shore observing the Christian fleet, held this night a council on their future mode of proceeding, for they knew the town would be besieged. They thus conversed among themselves: “Our enemies are now arrived: they will, if they can, land and lay siege to Africa, which is the key to the adjoining kingdoms. We must, therefore, consider well our plans for opposing them; otherwise we shall be greatly blamed, and if we should not at the first dispute their landing.” It was proposed by a valiant Saracen, called Mandifer, to resist their landing, as being the most honourable, and to oppose them instantly with their whole force, or they would probably have fault found with them. This was strongly supported by many, as it seemed the most courageous plan; when an ancient Saracen began to speak, who had great influence among them, as he shewed. This lord came from a town in Africa called Maldages, and his name was Belluis. He gave his opinion quite contrary to that of Mandifer, and supported it with the following reasons: - “Gentlemen, we are sent hither to guard the coast and defent this country; but we have had no orders from the kings of Tunis nor of Bugia to attack out enemies without having maturely considered the consequences. What I have to propose, I will maintain by such reasons as these: First, you must suppose that this army of Christians has been long in preparation, and is provided with all things necessary. Their captains, you may also believe, are perfect men at arms, as able in council as in the field, with the greatest ardour to perform deeds of arms. If we meet them on the shore, they will advance their genoese cross-bows, for you may be assured they have brought numbers of them. It will be against them who have such excellent cross-bows that we must support the first attack; and we are not armed nor have shields to guard against their arrows: our men, finding themselves wounded, will draw back and refuse combat, so that these genoese will make good their landing in spite of us. Their men at arms, desirous of displaying their courage, will leap from their boats, and, observing our disorder, will attack us with lances, and gain a victory: should this happen, the town of Africa is irrecoverably lost for any thing we can do to prevent it. Those within will be so much discouraged by our defeat, that before our men can be rallied, the place will be taken by storm or capitulation, and be so well guarded we shall have the greatest difficulty to regain it. The French, and those with them are very expertand subtle in arms. I therefore maitain, that it will be more to our advantage the enemy should be ignorant of our force at the onset; for at this moment we have not a sufficiency to offer them battle, though our strength is daily increasing. I advise, that we suffer them to disembark at their ease; for, as they have no horses to advance in the country, they will remain where they land suspicious of our intentions.} The town of Africa is not afraid of them, nor of their attacks, for it is tolerably strong, and well provided with every thing. The air is now warm, and will be hotter. They will be exposed to the heat of the sun, while we be in the shade. Their provisions will be destroyed, without hopes of having a supply, if they make any long stay,, and we shall have abundance from our own country: we will frequently beat up their quarters; and, should they be unfortunate in these skirmishes, they will be worn down. We must avoid all general engagements, otherwise we cannot conquer them; but we shall to it by this plan, and trusting to the climate, which is so contrary to the nature of their constitutions. {They will not have any reinforcements, and we shall have many. The extreme heat of the sun, and the fatigue they will undergo from being always armed in fear of us, will very soon bring on disorders that will carry numbers to the grave, and thus shall we be revenged without striking a blow.} Such is the plan I propose; and, if I knew of any better, I would lay it before you.” All those in the council who had been used to arms adopted the advice the old Saracen lord had given. It was in consequence forbidden, under pain of death, for the army to attack or skirmish with the Christians on the sea-shore, but to remain quietly in their quarters, and suffer them to land and encamp themselves without any opposition. None dared infringe these orders. They sent a body of their archers into the town of Africa, to assist in its defence, and never made any movement until the morrow, so that the country seemed uninhabited. The Christians having lain this night, as I have said, at anchor at the mouth of the harbour, made themselves ready for the next day, which was a clear bright morning, for approaching the town, being very desirous to land. Trumpets and clarions began to sound and make a loud noise on board the different galleys and ships. When it was about nine o’clock, and the Christians had drank a cup, and partaken of soup made of Grecian or malmfry wines, of which they had abundantly provided themselves, to cheer their hearts and raise their spirits, they began to execute the plan they had lain down while at the island of Comino. They sent, as it seems to me, some light vessels called brigandines, armed with bricolles and cannons, first towards the harbour. When they were properly drawn up in array, they entered the haven, and saluted the town with arrows and stones; but the walls were hung with wet carpeting to deaden the blows. These brigandines entered the port without damage, and were followed by the galleys and other vessels is such handsome order it was a pleasant show. In turning into the harbour, was a large castle with towers, and on one larger than the rest was placed a bricolle, for the defence of the place, that was not idle, but threw quarrels among the fleet. On each of the towers on the walls was a bricolle that shot well; and, to say the truth, the Saracens had laid in stores for a long time, from the expectation of a siege. When the Christians entered the port of Africa, to disembark, the weather was so beautiful, and their order so well preserved, it was delightful to see. Their trumpets and clarions made the air resound, and were echoed back by the waves. Many knights of France and from other countries now displayed their banners, and several knights were created. The first of whom was John lord de Ligny, in Hainault: he was knighted by his cousin, sir Henry d’Antoing; and the lord de Ligny there first displayed his banner, which was emblazoned with his arms on a field or, having a bent gules. He was accompanied by his cousin-german, the lord d’Havreth in Hainault. All the knights and squires disembarked in view of the Saracens, on a Wednesday, the vigil of Magdalen-day (Magdalen-day, - the 22d July.), in the year of grace 1390, and as they landed, encamped according to orders from the marshals. Thus they took possession of the land of their enemies, who, noticed their camp, could not avoid highly praising the good order of it. Those in the larger galleys, that could not lie near the shore, were put into boats and conveyed to land, under the banner of out lady. The Saracens, both within and without the town, allowed them to land peaceably, for they were not in numbers sufficient to oppose them; and the French advanced with displayed banners, on which were emblazoned their arms, to the places marked out for their lodgings by the marshals. The duke of Bourbon, as commander in chief, was lodged in the center of his army, with all honour, and powerfully guarded. The device on his banner, powdered over with flower de luces, was a figure of the Virgin Mary in white, seated in the center, and an escutcheon of Bourbon at her feet. I will name those lords of rank who were quartered on the right of the duke, looking towards the town: first, sir William de la Trimouille and his brother, with a pennon; the lord de Bordenay, with a banner; sir Helion de Lignac, with a pennon; the lord de Tours, the same. Then were placed the Hainaulters, whose standard bore the device of the lord William of Hainault, at that time count d’Ostrevant, eldest son of duke Albert of Bavaria, count of Holland, Hainault and Zealand, which device was a harrow or, on a field gules. There were the lord d’Havreth, with his banner; the lord de Ligny, with his; and then the lord Philip, count d’Artois, with his banner; the lord de Mathefelon, with his banner; the lord Calan, with a pennon; the fenefchal d’Eu, with the same; the lord de Linieres, with a banner; the lord de Thim, with the same; the lord d’Ameval, with the same; sir Walter de Chastillon, with a pennon; sir John de Chateaumorant, with a banner; the brother to the marshal de Sancere, with a pennon; the lord de Coucy, with his banner, and better supported than any, except the duke of Bourbon; the lord de Licques, with a pennon; sir Stephen de Sancere, with the same; and then the pennon of the king of France, blazoned with his device: beside it, was sir John le Barrois, with his pennon ornamented with his arms; sir William Morles, with his banner; the lord de Longueval, with a pennon; sir John de Roye, with a banner; the lord de Bours, with a pennon; the viscount d’Aufnay, a banner; and sir John de Vienne, admiral of France, with his banner. Those on the left hand of the duke of Bourbon, were the lord d’Aufemont, with a banner; sir John Beaufort, bastard to the duke of Lancaster, a banner; sir John le Bouteiller, an Englishman, a pennon; sir John de Crama, a banner; the souldich de l’Estrade, apennon; sir John de Harcourt, a banner; the lord Berald, count de Clermont, and dauphin of Auvergne, a banner, with a good array; sir Hugh Dauphin, his brother, a pennon; the lord de Berthencourt, a pennon; the lord de Pierre Buffiere, a banner; the lord de Saint Semere, a banner; the lord de Louvart, marshal of the army, a pennon; the begue de Beausse, a pennon; the lord de Louvy, a banner; sir Gerard de Louvy, his brother, a pennon; the lord de Saint-Germain, a banner; and then the pennon on a standard, with the device of the duke of Bourbon; the lord Philip de Bar, a banner; sir Lewis de Poitiers, a pennon; sir Robert de Calobre the same; the viscount de Les, a banner; sir William de Moulin, the same; the lord de Villeneuve, a pennon; sir Angorget d’Amboife, the same; sir Alain de la Champaigne, a pennon. All these banners and pennons that I have named were placed in front of the camp, facing the town of Africa; but there were many knights and squires, of great courage and ability, who were quartered in the fields, whom I cannot name, and, if I could, it would take up too much place, for they were, in the whole, fourteen thousand, all gentlemen. This was a handsome army, able to perform many gallant deeds, and support a hard warfare, if the Saracens had ventured an attack, which they did not, contenting themselves this day with throwing large bolts, not meaning to act contrary to their plan. The knights were lodged under tents and pavilions of cloth, which they had procured at Genoa. The genoese cross-bows formed two wings, inclosing a great deal of ground, turning towards the sea-shore. All their provision was on board the vessels, and there were boats continually employed in bringing different articles from them, as they were wanted. When the inhabitants of the neighbouring islands, such as Sicily and others, as well as those in the kingdom of Naples, la Puglia and Calabria, heard the Christians were laying siege to Africa, they exerted themselves to supply them with every sort of provision; some from a desire of gain, others from affecton to the Genoese. From Candia was brought good sweet wines and Grenaches (Grenaches. ‘One of our ncient poets of the fourteenth century mentions, under the year 1315, Greek wine and wine de Grenache. This last, which, since Roussillon has formed part of France, is become a national wine, was then esteemed a foreign wine. It is probablythat which Froissart calls Galvache, Garnache or Galrigache.’ – Vie Privee des Francois, vol. iii.), to comfort and refresh them, and without which they could not long have supported their fatigues. They were a very large body of men, who daily consumed much in eating and drinking. However, these purveyances did not come regularly; for at times the supply was most abundant, at others, they were in great distress from want. VOL. IV CHAP. XL THE CONDUCT OF THE SARACENS DURING THE SIEGE OF THE TOWN OF AFRICA – THEY SEND TO DEMAND FROM THE FRENCH THE CAUSE OF THEIR MAKING WAR AGAINST THEM. Page 214 I will say something of the Saracens, for it is but just they should be equally spoken of as the Christians, that the truth may be more apparent. You must know that these infidels had, for a long time, been menaced by the Genoese, and were expecting the town of Africa to be besieged, in which they were not disappointed. They had made preparations for resistance, when they heard of the arrival of the Christian fleet, an event that had been long looked for by the neighouring nations; for they are not prudent nor well advised, who fear not their enemies, however small they may be. The Saracens, however, do not hold the Christians cheap: on the contrary, they consider them as men of courage and enterprise, and much fear them. The better to resist their enemies, they assembled the most experienced warriors from the kingdom of Bugia, Morocco and Tunis, in which last the town of Africa is situated, and encamped on the downs near the sea shore. They took advantage of a large and thick wood in their rear, to avoid any danger from ambuscades or skirmishes on that side. The Saracens shewed much ability in thus posting themselves. They amounted, according to the estimate of able men at arms, to thirty thousand archers and ten thousand horse. Others thought they were more; but their exact numbers were unknown, for the Christians supposed many were lodged in the wood. They were very numerous, for they were in their own country, and could come and go from their army at their pleasure without danger. They received continual supplies of fresh provisions, that was brought on the backs of camels. The second day after the Christians had landed, the Saracens, about dawn, came to attack the camp, sir Henry d’Antoing having the command of the guard of two hundred men at arms and one thousand genoese cross-bows. The skirmish lasted better than two hours, and many gallant deeds were done in shooting and thrusting the lance, for there was not any engagement with the sword hand to hand. The Saracens did not fool-hardily risk their themselves, but fought with valour and more prudence than the Christians. When they had skirmished some time, the Saracens retreated; for the army began to be in motion, and some of the French barons had come to witness the action, and observe the manner of their enemies fighting, that they might be prepared to meet them another time. The Saracens retired to their camp, as did the Christians to theirs; but, during the whole time of this siege of Africa, the Christians were never left quiet, for their camp was every night or morning attacked by the enemy. Among the Saracens was a young knight, called Agadinquor Oliferne, excellently mounted on a beautiful courser, that he managed as he willed, and, when he galloped, seemed to fly with him. From his gallantry, he shewed he was a good man at arms; and, when he rode abroad, he had with him three javelins, well feathered, which he dexterously flung, according to the custom of the country. He was completely armed in black, and had a kind of white napkin wrapped around his head. His seat on horseback was graceful; and, from the vigour and gallantry of his actions, the Christians judged he was excited thereto by his affection to a young lady of the country. True it is, he most sincerely loved the daughter of the king of Tunis, who, according to the report of some genoese merchants who had seen her, was very handsome, and the heiress of his kingdom. This knight, called Agadinquor, was the son of duke Oliferne; but I know not if he ever married this lady. I heard that, during the siege, he performed many handsome feats of arms, to testify his love, which the French knights saw with pleasure, and would willingly have surrounded him; but, he rode with such activity and skill, all their efforts were vain. The Christian lords were very anxious to make some Saracens prisoners, to learn from them the real state of their army; but, they were so cautious, they could not succeed, and, having noticed their intent, the Saracen chiefs gave orders accordingly. The Saracens were much afraid of the genoese cross-bows: they shielded themselves as well as they could against their bolts, but they are not armed so strongly as the Christians; for they know not the art to forge armour like theirs, nor have they workmen who could make such. Iron and steel are not common among them; and they wear light targets hanging on their necks, covered with boiled leather from Capadocia, that no spear can penetrate, if the leather has not been overboiled. Their manner of fighting, according to what I heard, was to advance on the Christians, and shoot a volley of arrows at the Genoese the moment they made their appearances, and then to fall down under shelter of their shields, by which they avoided the bolts from the cross-bows, that went over them: they then rose, and either shot more arrows, or lanced their javelins with much dexterity. Thus for the space of nine weeks that the siege lasted were continual skirmishes made; and on both sides many were killed and wounded, more especially such as ventured too rashly. The Christians imitated the Saracens by avoiding a close combat; and the lords from France and other countries took delight in their manner of fighting, for, to say the truth, novelty is always pleasing. The young lords of the infidels were greatly struck with the glittering armour and emblazoned banners and pennons of their enemies, and, when returned to their camp, conversed much about them. They were, however, astonished at one thing, which I will now relate. The Saracens within the town of Africa were anxious to know on what pretense the Christians had come with so large an army to make war on them; and, to learn the reasons, they resolved as I was told, in council, to send a person that could speak Genoese, and gave him the following orders: ‘Go and take the road to the camp of the Christians, {and mange, before thou returnth, to speak with some lords, in their army} and demand, in our name, why they have brought so powerful a force against us, and taken possession of the lands of the king of Africa, who has not done any thing to offend them. True it is that, in former times, we were at war with the Genoese, but that should no way concern them; for they come from very distant countries, and the Genoese are our neighbours. Our custom has been, excepting in times of truce, to seize mutually all we can from each other.’ Having received these instructions, the messenger departed and rode on to the camp. The first person he met was a Genoese, to whom he said that he was sent by the Saracens to speak with some baron from France. The Genoese, to whom he had addressed himself, was called Antonio Marchi, a centurion of cross-bows, who took him under his care, to his great joy, and conducted him instantly to the duke of Bourbon and the lord de Coucy. They both listened very attentively, and what they did not understand the centurion interpreted in very good French. When he finished all he had been ordered to say, he asked for an answer. The French lords told him he should have one as soon as they had considered the purport of his message. Twelve of the greatest barons of the army assembled in the duke of Bourbon’s tent, and the messenger and interpreter being called in, the last was ordered to tell him from the lords present, ‘that in consequence of their ancestors having crucified and put to death the Son of God, called Jesus Christ, a true prophet, without any cause or just reason, they were come to retaliate on them for this infamous and unjust judgment. Secondly, they were unbaptised, and infidels in the faith to the holy Virgin, mother of Jesus Christ, and had no creed of their own. For these and other causes, they held the Saracens and their whole sect as enemies, and were come to revenge the injuries they had done to their God and faith, and would to this effect daily exert themselves to the utmost of their power.’ When the messenger had received this answer, he departed from the army unmolested, and returned to report to his masters what you have just read. The Saracens laughted heartily at hearing it, and said, they made assertions without proofs, for it was the Jews who had crucified Jesus Christ, and not them. Things remained on the former footing, the siege was continued, and each army on its guard. Vol IV Chap XLI Some Miracles Are Shewn To The Saracens, As They Attempt To Attack The Camp Of The Christians. Several Skirmishes During The Siege. The Climate Becomes Unwholesome, And Other Accidents Befall The Besiegers. Page 218 pg219 His army suffers from the heat and insalubrity of the climate. Shortly after this message, the Saracens determined in council to remain quiet for seven or eight days, and, during that time, neither to skirmish nor any way annoy the Christians, but, when they should think themselves in perfect security, to fall on their camp like a deluge. This was adopted; and the ninth evening, a little before midnight, they secretly armed their men with the accustomed arms, and marched silently in a compact body towards the Christian camp. They had proposed making a severe attack on the opposite quarter to the main guard, and would have succeeded in their mischievous attempt, if God had not watched over and preserved them by miracles I will now relate. As the Saracens approached, they saw before them a company of ladies dressed in white; one of whom, their leader, was incomparably more beautiful than the rest, and bore in front a white flag having a vermilion cross in the center. The Saracens were so greatly terrified at this vision, they lost all their strength and inclination to proceed, and stood still, these ladies keeping steadily before them. The genoese cross-bows had brought with them a dog, as I heard, from beyond the sea, but whence no one could tell, nor did he belong to any particular person. This dog had been very useful to them; for the Saracens never came to skirmish, but by his noise he awakened the army, and as every one now knew that whenever the dog barked the Saracens were come, or on their road, they prepared themselves instantly: in consequence of this, the Genoese called him the dog of our lady. This night, the dog was not idle, but made a louder noise than usual, and ran first to the main guard, which was under the command of the lord de Torcy, a Normand, and sir Henry d’Antoing. As during the night all sounds are more easily heard, the whole army was in motion, and properly prepared to receive the Saracens, whom they knew were approaching. This was the fact; but the Virgin Mary and her company, having the Christians under their care, watched over them; and this night they received no harm, for the Saracens were afraid to advance, and returned the way they had come. The Christians were more attentive to their future guards. The Saracen knights and squires, within the town, were much cast down at the fight they had seen, more especially those that were advanced near this company of ladies. While, on the other hand, the Christians were greatly exerting themselves to win the place, that was courageously defended. At this period, the weather was exceedingly hot; for it was the month of August, when the sun is in its greatest force, and that country was warmer than France, from being nearer the sun, and from the heat of the sands. The wines the besiegers were supplied with from la Puglia and Calabria were fiery, and hurtful to the constitutions of the French, many of whom suffered severely by fevers, from the heating quality of their liquors. I know not how the Christians were enabled to bear the fatigues in such a climate, where sweet water was difficult to be had. They, however, had much resource in the wells they dug; for there were upwards of two hundred sunk, through the sands, along the shore; but, at times, even this water was muddy and heated. They were frequently distressed for provision, for the supply was irregular, from Sicily and the other islands: at times they had abundance, at others were in want. The healthy comforted the sick, and those who had provision shared it with such as had none; for in this campaign they were all as brothers. The lord de Coucy, in particular, was beloved by every gentleman: he was kind to all, and behaved himself by far more graciously, in all respects, than the duke of Bourbon, who was proud and haughty, and never conversed with the knights and squires from foreign countries in the same agreeable manner the lord de Coucy did. The duke was accustomed to sit cross-legged the greater part of the day before his pavilion; and those who had any thing to say to him were obliged to make many reverences, and address him through the means of a third person. He was indifferent whether the poorer knights and squires were well or ill at their ease: this the lord de Coucy always inquired into, and by it gained great popularity. It was told me, by some foreign knights who had been there, that had the lord de Coucy been commander in chief, instead of the duke of Bourbon, the success would have been different; for many attacks on the town of Africa were frustrated by the pride and fault of the duke of Bourbon: several thought it would have been taken, if it had not been for him. This siege lasted, by an exact account, sixty-one days; during which, many were the skirmishes before the town and at the barriers: they were well defended, for the flower of the infidel chivalry was in the town. The Christians said among themselves, - ‘If we could gain this place by storm or otherwise, and strongly reinforce and victual it during winter, a large body of our countrymen might then come hither in the spring and gain a footing in the kingdoms of Barbary and Tunis, which would encourage the Christians to cross the sea annually and extend their conquests.’ ‘Would to God it were so,’ others replied; ‘for the knights now here would then be comfortably lodged, and every day, if they pleased, they might have deeds of arms.’ The besieged were alarmed at the obstinacy of their attacks, and redoubled their guards. The great heat, however, did more for them than all the rest, added to the constant uncertainty of being attacked; for the policy of the Saracens was to keep them in continual alarms. They were almost burnt up when in armour; and it was wonderful that any escaped death; for, during the month of August, the air was suffocating. An extraordinary accident happened, that, if it had lasted any time, must have destroyed them all. During one week, from the heat and corruption of the air, there were such wonderful swarms of flies, the army was covered with them. The men knew not how to rid themselves of there troublesome guests, that multiplied daily, to their great astonishment; but, through the grace of God and the Virgin Mary, to whom they were devoted, a remedy was found, in a thunder and hail storm, that fell with great violence, and destroyed all the flies. The air, by this storm, was much cooled, and the army in better health than it had been for some time. Knights that are on such expeditions must cheerfully put up with what weather may happen, for they cannot have it according to their wishes; and, when any one falls sick, he must be nursed to his recovery or to his death. Although the knights from France had undertaken this voyage with an eagerness and resolution that bore them up under the pains they suffered, they had not many luxuries to gratify them; for nothing was sent from France, nor had any in that kingdom more intelligence from them than if they were buried under ground. Once, indeed, there came a galley from Barcelona, laden more with oranges and small grains than with any thing else. The oranges were of the greatest service, by the refreshment they afforded; but, whatever vessel came to them, none returned, for fear of meeting Saracens at sea, and to wait the event of the siege, and see whether the Christians would conquer the town. The young king Lewis of Sicily exerted himself, that his subjects should carry a constant supply of provisions to them, for he was their nearest neighbour. It is fortunate the Saracens were not strong enough at sea to prevent the vessels coming from the ports of Sicily and Naples, or they would have conquered them without striking a blow. They therefore contented themselves with keeping the Christians under perpetual alarms on land. The Saracens have not a large navy like the Genoese and Venetians; and what they get at sea is by thievery; and they never dare wait the attack of the Christians unless they be in very superior numbers, for a well-armed galley with Christians will defeat four such enemies. In truth, the Turks are better men at arms by sea and land than any other nation of unbelievers of our faith; but they were at too great a distance from Africa, and the town could not receive any aid from them. The Turks had heard that the town of Africa was besieged by the Christians, and had often, but in vain, wished to have been there. Vol IV Chap XLII A Challenge is sent by the Saracens to offer combat of ten against ten Christians. – The Saracens Fail In Their Engagement. – The Town of Africa is Stormed, But Unsuccessfully, And With The Loss Of Many Worthy Men. Page 222 Vol IV Chap XLIV The Siege Of Africa Is Raised. The Cause Of It. The Knights And Squires Return To Their Own Countries. Page 237 pg238 Abandons the siege and returns to France. You have before heard, what pains the Christians took to conquer the town of Africa; for they thought, if they succeeded, they should gain great renown, and be able to withstand, during the winter, all the forces the infidels could bring against them, until they should be reinforced from Europe, especially by the king of France, who was young and fond of arms, and there were still two years to run of thetruce with England: the Christians had therefore laid siege to Africa, as being the most convenient entrance into Barbary. The infidels, suspicious of such being their intentions, well victualled the place, and reinforced it with a new garrison, the better to guard it. The siege still continued, although, after the before-mentioned loss on the part of the Christians, little advantage was gained, and the men at arms were greatly discouraged; for they could not obtain any opportunity of changing the tiresomeness of their situation, and of revenging themselves on the enemy. Many, in consequence, began to murmur and say, - ‘We remain here in vain; for if we do nothing more effectual than skirmishing, we shall never gain the town: if, by accident, we kill one infidel by our arrows, they supply his place with ten more, as they are in their own country, and have provision and stores in abundance, while ours is brought with much difficulty and uncertainty. What will become of us, if we stay longer? The cold nights of winter will freeze and benumb us to death. We shall be in a most disagreeable state for many reasons: first, at that time of the yaer the sea will be so tempestuous no one will venture on it. We have now but eight days provision, and should the stormy weather set in, and prevent any vessels arriving, we must inevitably perish. Secondly, suppose we have provision and stores in plenty, how can the army support, for so long a time, the fatigue of a regular guard? The danger will be too great; for the enemy is on his own ground, and well acquainted with the country, and may attack us in the night-season, as we have already seen, and do us infinite damage. Thirdly, should we be infected with any disorders, from want of better air and fresh provision, it may be contagious, and we shall drop off one after another, for we have not any remedies to guard against such a misfortune. Besides, should the Genoese, who are a treacherous race, wish to return without us, they might embark in the night time, and, when once on board their vessels, we could not prevent them, and they would leave us here to pay the reckoning. It will be right that we remonstrate with our lords, who are enjoying their ease, on these our suspicions; for the Genoese do not conceal their opinions of us. Some of their talkers have said to our men, - “You Frenchmen are odd men at arms: when we failed in Genoa, we thought you have conquered this town of Africa within a week or fortnight after your landing; but we have been here nearly two months, and nothing has been done: by the assaults and skirmishes you make, the town need not fear you these two years; and the rate you go on, you will never conquer the kingdoms of Tunis or Africa.” The Genoese had so frequently held this language to the varlets and others of the army, that it reached the ears of their lords, and was repeated to the lord de Coucy, who was wise and prudent, and to whom the whole army looked up. He considered a while, and then said to himself, - ‘The conversations of these Genoese are but too well founded in truth: to put a stop to them, a full assembly of the principal knights must be held, to consider how we are to proceed, for winter is fast approaching.’ At this concil, which was held in the duke of Bourbon’s tent, various plans were proposed; but the conclusion was, that they would, for this season, break up the siege, and every person should return home the way he had come. The chief lords secretly made preparations accordingly, and, calling to them the masters of the galleys and other vessels, acquainted them with their intentions. The captains were much surprised, and said, - ‘My lords, do not harbour any suspicions of us, for we are pledged to you by our honour and oaths, and we will most loyally and honestly acquit ourselves. Had we pleased, we might have accepted the favourable offers that were made us by the Africans, but we refused to enter into any treaty with them, from our attachment and engagements to you.’ ‘We have no doubts of you, gentlemen,’ relied the lord de Coucy, ‘for we look on you as loyal and valiant men: but we have considered our situation; winter is at hand, and we have a scarcity of provision. Should it be God’s good pleasure that we return to France, we will inform the king, who is young and fond of war, of the state of this country. At this moment, he knows not where to employ his force, for he and the king of England are at peace. He is unhappy when idle, and we shall advise him to undertake an expedition hither, as well to have the pleasure of meeting the king of Sicily as to conquer this country from the Saracens. Prepare and make ready our galleys, for we shall leave this coast in a very few days.’ The Genoese were not well pleased with the french lords for thus breaking up the siege of the town of Africa; but, as they could not amend it, they were forced to bear with it as well as they could. There was a rumour current in the Christian camp, that the Genoese were treating with the Saracens to betray and deliver up to them the remainder of the army. It was firmly believed by many, and they said; ‘Our principal commanders, the duke of Bourbon, the dauphin of Auvergne, the lord de Coucy, sir Guy de la Trimouille, sir Philip de Bar and sir John de Vienne, are well acquainted with this plot; and for this reason they have determined suddenly to break up the siege.’ When it was proclaimed for every one to embark on board the galleys or other vessels, in an orderly manner, you would have seen the varlets in the greatest bustle packing up the purveyances of their different lords, and conveying them on board the ships that lay at anchor off the shore. When all things were embarked, the knights entered the galleys that had brought them thither: many had bargained with the captains to carry them to Naples, others to Sicily, Cyprus or Rhodes, thence to perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. After having remained sixty-one days before the town of Africa, they broke up the siege, and set sail from that country in sight of the Saracens from the walls. This gave them such joy they sounded horns and beat drums, and so great a noise by their shoutings, it was heard in the army of the Saracens. Several young knights mounted their horses, and galloped to where the camp had been, to see if they could find any thing left behind. Agadinquor d’Oliferne and Brahadin de Tunis were in the first to arrive; but the Christians had so completely cleared the camp, there was nothing for them to carry away. The Saracens left their station to examine the camp, and remained more than two hours noticing the manner and form of it. They praised much their subtlety in sinking wells for fresh water, and, having for some time viewed galleys under sail, they returned to visit their friends in the town of Africa. Others went to their quarters, and rejoiced greatly that the Christians had not dared to remain longer. They held their power very cheap, and said, they should no longer fear, as they had done, the French or Genoese. They spoke truly, as I shall explain. When this siege was raised, the Saracens grew proud on the occasion, for they saw the Genoese had exerted themselves to their utmost power to annoy them: this expedition could not have been undertaken without an enormous expense, and they had not gained any thing. But they did not know the great loss the Christians had suffered until that day, and I will tell you by what accident it happened. In the camp of the Christians was found, lying on the ground, a genoese varlet, that was too ill with a fever to be removed when the sailors sought for the men to embark on board the barges. The Saracens were delighted on finding this man, and ordered no harm done to him. They carried him to the principal commanders of their army, and told where they had found him. An interpreter was sent for to examine him; but at first he would not make any answers, considering himself as a dead man, and desiring they would put him out of his pain. The chiefs of the army, such as Agadinquor d’Oliferne and Brahadin de Tunis, thought they should gain nothing by his death; and to induce him to answer truly, without any equivocation, what questions should be put to him, they promised to spare his life, and send him safe and well to his own country on board of the first galley that should come thither from genoa or Marseilles, with a present of one hundred golden befants. The varlet, hearing this, was freed from his fears of death and made easy; for he knew that these Saracens never break their words; and, as every one dies as late as he can, he said to the interpreter, ‘Make them all swear on their faith to keep what they have promised, and I will truly answer whatever you may ask.’ The interpreter repeated this to the lords, who having consented to this demand, the varlet said, ‘Now ask what questions you please, and I will answer them.’ He was first asked who he was, and his place of residence, and replied, ‘Portenances (Portenances. In the MSS. Portenaucs. Q. if not Porto-cros, one of the islands of Hieres, off Provence.); {that his name was Simon Mollevin, and son to a captain of a galley at Portenances}:’ then as to the commanders of the Christian army. He named several; for, having kept company and drank with the heralds, he had often heard their names mentioned and had remembered some of them. He was asked, if he knew the reasons why they had so suddenly raised the siege and departed. To this he made a very prudent reply, by saying, he was ignorant of it, as he was not present at the council of war when it was determined on, and could only tell them what was common report in the army. It was said, that the French suspected the Genoese of s design to betray them; but the Genoese declared this was false, and wrongfully imputed to them by the French. They had left the coast because they were afraid to winter in this country, and risk the loss of as many knights as they had once done. ‘Ask him,’ said the lords to the interpreter, ‘to explain this.’ He replied, ‘So great was the loss the day the combat was to have taken place between ten of your knights with ten of ours, that upwards of sixty knights and squires, men of renown, died that day; and it was soley on this account,’ as the Genoese said, ‘the siege was raised.’ The Saracen chiefs seemed very much pleased on hearing this, and made no further inquiries, but punctually kept the promise they had made to him. On his return to Portenances and Genoa, he related all that had passed and what answers he had made, for which he was no way blamed. The Saracens said among themselves, - ‘We have been very negligent in not taking better measures against this union of the French and Genoese; for, though this time unsuccessful against Africa, we must henceforward put our coast in a better state of defence (which we may easily); and we must, in particular, guard the straits of Morocco so strongly that the Genoese nor Venetians shall carry their merchandise to Flanders through this strait, without paying so great a toll all the world shall wonder thereat, and even then it shall be considered as a matter of favour.’ What these Africans had proposed they executed; and all the kingdoms to the south, west and east, formed an alliance, such as Africa, Tunis, Bugia, Morocco, Benmarin, Treecen and Granada, with a resolution of well guarding their coasts, and equipping such a fleet of galleys as should make them masters of the sea, through hatred to the French and Genoese for their late siege of Africa. They interrupted so much the navigation of the Venetians and Genoese, that merchandise from Alexandria, Cario, Damascus, Venice, Naples or Genoa, was difficult to be had in Flanders for money; and, in particular, every sort of spicery was enormously dear. Fairbairn’s Book of Crests of the Families of Great Britain and Ireland, being a fourth edition, revised and enlarged in two volumes. T.C. & E. C. Jack, London & Edinburgh, 1905. The preface states that the book of crests was first published in 1859 and passed through some number of editions. British Library shelfmark – HLL 929.82 In Vol I the Index of Surnames Garrard of London, kent, and Bucks, a leopard sejant ppr. cf 24 number 13 Garrard, Drake-, of Lamer, Herts: (1) A leopard sejant ppr. cf 24 number 13 (2) A naked dexter arm erect, holding a battle-axe sa., headed arg. Plate 213 number 12 Garrard, Cherry- of Denford, Hungerford, Berks: (1) above (2) A demi-lion arg., the neck encircled with an annulet, holding between the paws a fleur-de-lis within an annulet, all gu. Cheris l’espoir. Garrard of Fellingham, Norf., an heraldic tiger sejant arg., maned and tufted sa., resting the dexter paw on a tun or. Garrard of Shinfield, Berks, out of a ducal coronet a demi-lion rampant az. Plate 16 number 3 Garrard of London, q wyvern, its tail nowed ppr., pierced through the neck by a spear or, headed arg. Gerard, Baron (Gerard), of Bryn, Lancs, a lion rampant erm., ducally crowned or. En Dieu est mon esperance. Plat 1 number 12 Gerard, Frederick, Esquire, of Kinwarton House, Alcester, a monkey statant ppr., environed round the loins and chained arg. En Dieu est mon esperance. Gerard, Berks. A lion statant gardant, ducally crowned gu. En Dieu est mon esperance. cf 4 number 1 Gerard, middx., and of Ince, Lancs, a lion’s gamb erased erm., holding a hawk’s lure gu., garnished and lined or, tasseled arg. Gerard, Major-General Sir Montagu Gilbert, of Rochsoles, Lanarksh., out of a mural crown arg., a lion’s gamb erect erm., holding the “Punja,” in bend sinister ppr. Haut inferiora secutus Gerard, Kent, a monkey passant, collared round the middle and chained ppr. Bono vince malum. Plate 136, number 8 Gerard, Lancs and Derbysh., two wings expanded sa. Plate 109 number 6 Gerard-Dicconson, Hon. Robert Joseph, of Wrightington Hall and Blackley Hurst, near Wigan: (1) A bezant charged with a hind’s head vert, erased gu., and holding in the mouth a cross crosslet fitchee of the last. (2) A monkey statant ppr., environed about the middle with a plain collar and chained arg. Jerard or Jerrard of Pamford, Somers., an eagle displayed with two heads or, charged with a saltier sa. Plate 74 number 1 Volume 2 Mottoes Fiat justitia – Let justice be done – attributed to Bryce, Coker, Plues Volume 2 Key to Plates Plate 74 – number 1 Badham, Borthwick, Brignall, Jerard, Jerrard, Tovey, Zorks. Number 6 Campbell.

Source: http://jerrard.ca/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/SIR_JOHN_FROISSART.pdf

Chronic renal failure.xps

CHOLANGITIS/CHOLANGIOHEPATITIS COMPLEX OF About the Diagnosis In cats, as in people, cholangiohepatitis is an inflammation of the liver and the bile ducts within the liver. Unlike in people, however, cats do not often have gallstones, nor do they get liver disease from hepatitis virus. Rather, cats develop cholangiohepatitis either as a result of bacteria traveling to the liver from the i

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ENGIADINA «Üna sfratomada per l’economia da la Val Müstair» Decisiun dal Tirol dal süd e las consequenzasvestir illa regiun Val Müstair. Perquaispera’l cha la politica s’ingascha per chat-■ Sco illas provinzas talianas Lom- bardia e Friaul exista eir i’l Tirol dal süd l’intenziun d’adattar il predsch da Fats accumplits chi dan da stübgiar benzin i’l Vnuo

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